Attractiveness and sexually-selected traits

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Suppose we want to test the hypothesis that females choose particular males so they will have more attractive offspring. Verifying that hypothesis would require mate choice trials showing that particular males get chosen more often, and then repeating those trials with the offspring.  Researchers often simplify the matter by choosing some proxy of attractiveness like a particular trait — the size of an ornament, for example — and look for correlations in that trait between sires and sons. If we don’t find that sons inherit their father’s trait then can we conclude that the trait does not signal male genetic quality? What if we could show that attractive fathers tend to have attractive sons regardless of their trait sizes? This way we’re letting female insects, rather than male or female primates, tell us who’s an attractive insect.

A recent study by Fiona Ingleby from University of Exeter used fruit flies (Drosophila simulans) to address whether a particular sexual signal was reliable as an indicator of heritable male attractiveness. Several studies have shown that cuticular hydrocarbons (CHCs) affect mate choice in fruit flies. CHCs are volatile chemicals given off by the “skin” of a fly that may act as pheromones.  Ingleby and her colleagues John Hunt and David Hosken were particularly interested to see how environmental variation would affect CHCs and mate choice. They also wanted to see if there was a genotype-by-environment interaction (abbreviated “GxE“): the genotype and the environment the flies grow up in could both affect their phenotpyes (CHC production). Would males be attractive in all environments, or would they be attractive in some environments, and unattractive in others?

Ingleby captured flies in Greece, then after a few generations of laboratory domestication raised their offspring in the lab on two different types of food (oats and soy) and at two different temperatures (23C versus 25C). Her paper stresses that these four environments were not that different from each other, and not extreme, and yet they found fairly dramatic variation in phenotypes depending on the environment. Cuticular hydrocarbon (CHC) signal varied across environments, but the researchers found very strong genetic effects on attractiveness across all the environments. Sons tended to resemble their fathers in attractiveness regardless of environment. However, Ingleby, Hunt and Hosken concluded that CHCs are not a reliable indicator of male attractiveness, since the CHC phenotype changed so much across the tested environments.

The researchers considered a few alternative hypotheses to explain this apparent discrepancy: multiple traits, direct benefits and the possibility that other traits account for variation in attractiveness. Perhaps females use not just CHCs but also many other males traits and behaviors when selecting a mate. Females might be able to tell which males’ semen will be less harmful, or more beneficial. This would benefit females directly, instead of just her offspring. Also, the researchers point out, some aspects of CHC profile were reliable indicators of male genotype, and so females are probably using just some CHCs along with other traits to assess males.

The aspect of this study I find most intriguing is showing the heritability of attractiveness, instead of focusing on an arbitrarily chosen trait. Whenever a researcher hypothesizes about a trait being under selection, he hast to make a huge set of assumptions that can only be verified after painstaking data collection that may take decades. Most Ph.D. dissertations are done in less than ten years. Even if a researcher could make a pretty good guess about what traits should correlate with fitness, she would have to have really good luck in finding or creating environmental conditions that would provide good control over that trait. By the time that laboratory-level control is attained, we may have lost touch with the reality of how species live in the wild. Then an experiment might provide a good case study, but it tells us little about the actual evolution of a species. I hope to see more empirical studies that use attractiveness rather than arbitrarily selected characters.

Sexual selection with age-dependent mutation

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I recently got the opportunity to give a talk at both UNC and Eastern Carolina University on my current research project. The talk is available over at figshare if you’d like to scrutinize the details. I’ll give you some of the background here since the talks have no narration.

For starters I’m interested in males that provide only potential genetic benefits to their offspring; I’m also looking at the model where females are assessing male genetic quality based on a male morphological trait (such as an ornament, weapon or body size). This means that females expect to have offspring that are both more sexy and who survive better when she mates with a highly ornamented male, rather than a less well-ornamented male. The problem in this setting is the “lek paradox,” where eventually a female will do just as good to mate randomly as she would to be choosy, since there will be no genetic variation in ornamentation or condition. Usually in models we use mutation to maintain genetic variation for condition; I think I’ve found that being more specific about the type of mutation gives us a good theory that will resolve the lek paradox (yet again!).

The bighorn sheep is Alberta's provincial animal

The bighorn sheep is Alberta’s provincial animal (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

My question specifically deals with the scenario where males all start out with the same trait value and then grow that trait throughout their lives (I call this an age-dependent trait). Females can’t tell who is in good condition when looking just at young males. Several models have shown that age-dependent traits are a good strategy for males with relatively good health. They will have more matings over their lifetimes if they ramp up their signaling over their lifetimes. One particular model showed that if males are in good health, they should delay as long as possible, so as not to incur the wrath of natural selection, until they have had lots of opportunities to mate. Lower condition males should adopt a “hope I die before I get old” strategy and be as sexy as possible, as soon as possible.

The problem with these models is that they assume the full range of strategic variation is present in a particular population. They don’t represent changes over time; they just say what the best strategies are. I showed in a previous model that in a population-genetic simulation an age-dependent trait that starts out small will lead to the evolution of preferences and age-dependent traits. This makes sense from a dynamical point of view because selection is weaker at older ages: since older-aged males are only a small fraction of the population, any genetic variation in those males will not contribute much to the whole pot of variation. Selection can’t do much with genetic variation in older males, hence they are relatively free to be as extravagant as they want.

But what if old, sexy males are carrying mutations in their sperm that females cannot detect? I assumed that males will contribute harmful (deleterious) mutations to their offspring at a rate that is basically their age times a per-age mutation rate. I also assumed that the trait increases linearly. This is not realistic, as a lot of traits grow up to a point and then stop or even decline in old age. However, it gets the point across that young males are similarly sized and old males vary in their traits depending on their condition.

The results I have as of yet show that this process actually ensures continued genetic variation in the overall condition trait. The equilibrium female preference hovers above the equilibrium trait size, ensuring that females will always be going for the older, sexier males that carry mutations in their sperm. Mate choice therefore reinforces the process that keeps genetic variation in the population. I hope this result holds up under further mathematical scrutiny, because it’s a nice surprise.

I have a few snags to work out before I write this up; the feedback I got from the talks was invaluable. A few people had really great ideas, like a female strategy to screen sperm for deleterious mutations, and a research strategy to scan sperm samples for such mutations. Although my first reaction was “that’s going to be a lot of work!” my host chimed in that someone actually is doing this already. Wow!

Student-Centered Teaching

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I recently prepared an essay on my philosophy of teaching. Part of my rationale for starting this blog was to explain to friends and family members how I do my research. Teaching is really the core of what I do, however, so I should also spend some time talking about teaching. I prepared the essay for two reasons: firstly, I think it’s important for students and other teachers to know where I’m coming from, and what they can learn about concepts in education. The other main reason was to have some kind of a record for myself of all the research I’ve done on the topic, and also construct a set of working hypotheses to guide my teaching work.

The philosophy has three main hypotheses: (1) children are born motivated, i.e. motivation is not something that teachers have to put into them; (2) students can, and should be encouraged to self-assess, i.e. to find their own answers; and (3) research and teaching are essentially the same activity, not things to divide up a scientist’s schedule. The corollary to all these is that the teacher’s main jobs are (a) to set up the right environment for learning and (b) remove obstacles for learning.

Motivation is probably the most important aspect. Motivation is a matter that I often find troubling to talk about with my fellow educators: I’m simply surprised how often I find that scientists think that their own topics are so boring that they need to get students interested. The students are interested already! For one reason or another, they want to learn. Many of them just love learning.

Self-assessment is easy to implement, encourages students by making assessment part of the discovery process, and offers genuine, highly informational feedback. The main way I do this is by never answering a question directly: I tell students to test their own logic, do their own research and figure out if their particular guess is “right.” This gives them more information, is more fun, and incorporates more learning than simply checking “right” or “wrong” and giving them a grade.

Research and teaching are bound together like painting and seeing. I find this to be a necessity: I just can’t teach something unless I apply the same learning attitude as I do when I’m doing research. All I have to do to teach students is demonstrate the approach (show them!). Last semester when I was teaching a topic I had never studied myself (cell and developmental biology) I showed them the approach that I was currently taking to learn the topic. There is no good reason we can’t have the same attitude about our large-scale research projects.

Starting in the 1950s Carl Rogers brought Pers...

Carl Rogers who developed student-centered teaching along with his client-centered therapy (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

I want to emphasize that this is my philosophy of teaching. I am not suggesting that anyone wholeheartedly take on my own philosophy. There are lots of teaching philosophies out there in science education, and I’m glad to see people experimenting. The lecturer I’m working with this semester is one of several who has a reputation for experimentation, and it’s fun being in that setting. If you wanted to pick a teaching philosophy out of a hat, you could. You would be better off to work closely with someone who has a definite philosophy, and then adapt that philosophy based on your own experience.

Much of the research I’ve read falls under the heading of “motivational psychology,” which is largely concerned with (depending on perspective) how to motivate people, or what motivates people. I would suggest reading Alfie Kohn‘s classic book Punished by Rewards for a start on that topic. Much of our theory of education and governmental policy is based on operant conditioning, an adaptation of animal training that was elevated to the status of an all-encompassing scientific theory. Kohn’s book challenges the logic of that in education, parenting and the workplace.

Here’s an excerpt from my teaching philosophy:

Observing children, students and my own learning history has shown me that the energy to learn comes from within students themselves. Spending time at the playground and with my own children, I see that children don’t need to be taught: do children need to learn from a book how a family works before they play house? Children set up organizations, create dramas and negotiate conflicts by figuring it out as they go. They also conduct controlled experiments, especially when playing alone: “If I roll the ball this way, how fast does it go? What if I roll a bigger ball down the same track?” This is exactly what Galileo actually did, and kids do it all the time. Richard Feynman first discovered inertia while playing with a ball and a toy wagon before he was five years old. Note that I’m not saying children would do these things without being told about them; they are not born with the concepts needed to play house or form a club on the playground. But they do figure out how to do it without instruction.

High School Students Visit the Lab

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Recently I got the chance to host some high-school students in the lab and show them what I do as a graduate student.  My motivation was mainly that I enjoy teaching, and I know that when I was a high-school student I would have enjoyed seeing what a theorist actually does.  This project was part of UNC’s Academic Day: according to the organizer, biology was the most popular major to explore during this event that hosts high school students from around the state to show them what universities are all about.

I told them what I do day-to-day, what the track is for someone getting a Ph.D. and the nature of my research.  I then explained some basics of population genetics, like the Hardy-Weinberg trinomial and a few other things. Then we conducted an activity where the goal was to show the action of natural selection and genetic drift. This was the fun part.

The Activity

I had eight students, all female, and all but one with brown eyes. This in itself could have provided data for an activity, but I had brought “populations” of Skittles. The students started each with a population of twenty Skittles and measured the frequencies of each color (the “phenotype”). Having a population of twenty makes calculating frequencies easy: just multiply by five and you’ve got a frequency out of 100. Most of the students had a predominance of one color. I provided them with paper and pencil, since they were visiting.

First I asked the students to come up with a way of coding (and hence measuring) the phenotype. I had already come up with a method that the students found acceptable, which was to score the colors from 1 to 5 starting with green, so that green = 1, yellow = 2, orange = 3, red = 4 and purple = 5. Then the students measured the average phenotype by multiplying the frequencies and color scores. Then came the eating: students on the left side of the table ate 10 Skittles randomly; the students on the right of the table at according to some rule that they were free to concoct. The left side represented genetic drift, and the right side selection. The goal of the experiment was to see how much the average trait value would change between the parent population (before eating) and the offspring population (after eating).

The results were interesting: I really didn’t know if this would work, or if the students would care enough to actually try it. The mean phenotypes on the genetic drift side of the table changed very little, but several of the students lost a color in the process, which represents the loss of alleles that can happen with drift. The means on the selection side of the table did change, but what was more interesting was that the students all chose different rules. Some started by eating green and progressed to yellow when they ran out of green. This represents directional selection, or selection against one extreme phenotype. Some started at the other end with purple, which is also directional selection. Others ate from both ends of the spectrum (green and purple, progressing to yellow and red). This corresponds to stabilizing selection, or favoring intermediate phenotypes. Others started with orange; this results in disruptive selection, that penalizes intermediate phenotypes. I did not plan on telling them about these modes of selection at the outset. This was a very pleasant accident.

Thoughts and conclusions

The biggest obstacle was time: I only had about forty minutes with these young ladies, and so telling them about graduate school and doing the experiment was kinda tight. Another interesting way to do things might have been to use their own physical characteristics (e.g. hair and eye color) as the data, but I didn’t think of that until I saw the Founder Effect that had landed in our lab: they all had brown eyes, except for one student. I explained that if they were to form a parthenogenetic colony on an island somewhere, that after a few years either all their offspring would have blue eyes or brown eyes. This joke might have been a little more uncomfortable to hear had there been any dudes in the room other than me.

Wright in 1954

Sewall Wright, who couldn’t make it on a Thursday (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

I was really glad to have the chance to show these students that theory is a part of science. Without showing them any high-tech gear I was able to show them what I do as a scientist. People, especially young people, often confuse measurement for science, and the techniques of science with the actual intellectual exercise of science. Honestly I was surprised to be surrounded by eight eager teenagers as soon as I held up my hand and said “evolutionary theory.” I expected everyone would want to hear about more sexy things like developmental biology.

Mutation rates and paternal age

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I briefly want to talk about a newly minted shiny article published in one of the scientific ‘glossy’ journals, those high-profile journals that lead to the bulk of the science-news coverage. This one was published in Nature a week or so ago.

I wanted to wait a bit before writing about it, and now that we are nearing the end of the typical article news cycle (1-2 weeks) it is time. Here is the main conclusion from the article: older fathers pass-on more new mutations to their children than younger ones. The most important background fact is that mutation is the stuff of evolution. It is the raw change that allows all organisms on earth to adapt. Biologists generally hypothesize that mutation rates are constant, meaning that DNA changes accumulate at a certain rate as organisms age. In a recent work Augustine Kong potentially challenged that idea (see main article figure below).

English: DNA replication or DNA synthesis is t...

Some mutations are linked to disease, a child with more mutations is at higher risk, just by laws of probability, of getting the ‘disease’ mutation. Importance of this data to the realm of human disease is obvious. The substantial media coverage following Kong’s publication almost entirely focused on the disease aspect. Here are some headlines from the usual suspects: “Older fathers linked to Kids’s Autism and Schizophrenia risk” says Time Magazine, “Older dads may raise risk for autism in kids” adds FOX, “Father’s age is linked to risk of autism and schizophrenia” finishes the New York Times while omitting the kids aspect in their title all together.

Here is what the headline, in my opinion, should of read “Mutation rates are not constant, new Iceland population study suggests.” It is not an especially catchy title and I see that. Disease is bad for people, good for biologists. Biologists sell their work and build careers by putting words like, disease, autism, dawns, and MS into the titles of their papers and grants. Augustine Kong is not first to insight  media frenzy with ‘disease’, and that’s OK because journalists got to do their job and no story sells better than a story that everyone is afraid to hear.

I read the journal article and swam the sea of biased media coverage waiting for the bile and rage to loosen its grip. Then I wrote this, and tried to mention the real interesting bit, the implications of this work on how biologists estimate divergence. Mutations are assumed to accumulate in a clocklike way, same rate over time for each type of organism. This allows comparisons between organisms, like humans and monkeys and squid and bacteria. Because of this constant ‘mutation clock’ biologists are able to say that genetically humans and monkeys are more similar that humans and tomatoes. Because of this ‘mutation clock’ biologists can estimate how long it takes for organisms to diverge and become different enough to be considered different species.

What Augustine Kong and friends showed is that the mutation rate is not constant, and they were as far as I know the first ones to actually calculate the rate of mutation increase with age.

English: zebrafish histology atlas; testis; sp...

With age fathers ‘give’ more new mutations to their children. Mechanistically, from the cell biology point of view, this implies that as males age they incorporate more genetic mistakes during sperm production. This is also extremely interesting. In males, the machinery that proofreads DNA replication during sperm formation may degrade with age. This last one is a crazy idea and there is very little substantial proof behind it, but it points to an interesting question of how these new mutations appear.

I want to end with this final point, it may be subtle and it is definitely intuitive. Demography matters. Kong’s work did move biology forward, and strengthened the link between the important ideas of genetics and demography. It is important when we mate and how many offspring we produce and how well we feed the first and the last ones.

Contributor Artur Romanchuk is a fifth-year graduate student at UNC Chapel Hill studying with Christina Burch and Corbin Jones. Artur primarily studies how bacteria pass genes to one another (“lateral transmission”) and how these new genes lead to the ability to infect new hosts. He is also an author and cartoonist: check out his other works at ingradients and WHandCats. His first daughter was born when he was in his mid-twenties, and should be relatively mutation-free.

The cost of reproduction in birds

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The concept of trade-off is paradigmatic in life-history theory. an organism can only acquire a finite amount of energy in its lifetime, so it must “choose” how to allocate that energy to growth and survival or reproduction. Reproduction is assumed to be costly so that individuals who spend more on reproduction, for example by laying more eggs, will not survive as well. We suppose that over evolutionary time, natural selection will act on genetic variation for these allocation decisions, so that the sequence of decisions over an individual’s lifetime will represent an optimal allocation of resources.

Unfortunately this intuitively appealing idea has been very hard to find in nature. In fact, many studies have come up with positive correlations: animals that reproduce more tend to survive better. A recent study by Eduardo Santos and S. Nakagawa found that this trade-off was almost impossible to detect in most studies, or non-existent altogether. In a meta-analysis of brood supplementation studies (researchers added eggs to the nests of breeding birds), they found little impact on survival. Their result held across all the major taxonomic groups of birds, the biggest division being between passerines (songbirds, crows, flycatchers, etc) and non-passerines (ducks, loons, parrots, woodpeckers). Regardless of overall “lifestyle” the birds tested in most studies were able to withstand the hypothesized survival cost of additional eggs dumped on them by researchers.

Bird - Seagull enjoying the sunset

Why would this be the case? As always there is the possibility that the studies were poorly designed, or that brood supplementation is not a good way to test for a trade-off. Particularly, brood supplementation only taxes the parents of their ability to defend and feed offspring; it does nothing to the energy that females put into egg production. The other possibility is that adult birds just don’t put that much effort into reproduction in the first place. Perhaps survival is far more important. The trade-off is still there, but it’s just not important for most birds.

The hypothesis that life is just not as Malthusian as we have often supposed in evolutionary biology intrigues me greatly. If evolution acted in the “well-oiled machine” manner that many laypeople and professional scientists find appealing, then we’d expect selection to push annual reproduction right up to the level allowed by the trade-off. What studies have found is birds putting minimal effort into reproduction, parenting or anything that affects their survival. This means that selection is a lot weaker than we expect: this gives genetic drift a lot more room to account for polymorphism. It also makes sexual selection more plausible: if most species have fairly conservative lifestyles and selection for survival is not that strong, then males (or females) can afford costly ornaments.

An unrelated study also appeared this week that is getting a lot of press: researchers in Iceland found a strong relationship between the age of fathers and mutations passed to their offspring. This is the first study to quantify the per-year effect of paternal age on offspring mutations in humans, so it’s a pretty big deal. I will talk more about this in a future posting since it’s related to my dissertation research, but in the meantime, go read the article and enjoy the flurry of debate surrounding it.

E. S. A. Santos, S. Nakagawa (2012). The costs of parental care: a meta-analysis of the trade-off between parental effort and survival in birds Journal of Evolutionary Biology, 25, 1911-1917 DOI: 10.1111/j.1420-9101.2012.02569.x

Drift and selection: the epic battle?

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I learned a lot at last week’s Nescent Academy on Quantitative Genetics. I saw a lot of material that I wouldn’t have seen in other forums, like the Ornstein-Uhlenbeck models of genetic change under microevolution and macroevolution. During the last half of the week, which focused on macroevolution, I confirmed my impression that when talking about evolutionary history, genetic drift is really the name of the game. When population geneticists talk about the history of particular genes (for example, a gene implicated in a human disease), they rarely speak about selection. There was also a lot of good information on research findings from natural populations.

There were three points in particular that struck me:

  1. When looking at natural populations, there is abundant genetic variation in almost any trait
  2. Selection is generally weak and generally stabilizing selection
  3. Stochastic processes, such as genetic drift, can account for a lot of diversification seen in nature

These findings were interesting to me because I study selection, usually using deterministic models and because I’ve seen the perspectives of other researchers about the relative roles of selection and drift. I have tended to assume, along with many other researchers, that most diversification is due to selection, and that for any “real” differences to matter over evolutionary time that selection must be involved. Why is this?

Selection and adaptation are appealing concepts and they are simple to understand. Darwin’s (three or four) postulates give us all we need to understand how adaptation comes about. Adaptation is a really nice idea: things become more efficient, better, over time. Not only is that aspect appealing, but it’s easy to understand how it could happen: selection eliminates the less efficient, and promotes the more efficient. All you need after that is inheritance. This is so easy that most people get it the first time. Leaving aside the appeal of this from the social perspective (read the first chapter of The Dialectical Biologist), it’s just easy. I teach evolution and ecology to undergraduates and most of them come in getting the basic idea of selection. It’s not hard.

Take genetic drift on the other hand. If you’re like most biologists who’ve tried to teach about genetic drift, you know that genetic drift is the opposite of selection from a teaching perspective. Genetic drift, like selection, removes variation from populations. Only mutation can bring it in. Under genetic drift alleles just disappear: by random chance they fail to make it into the next generation. This only happens in finite populations, that is every single real population. How? Think of it this way: you know that if you flip a coin a thousand times you will get close to 500 heads and the rest will be tails. Do this instead: flip a coin ten times ten times and record the number of heads you get for each ten coin flips. You could then make a graph depicting the number of times you get five heads, six heads and so on. You should get a nice looking histogram: close your eyes and put your finger on a spot on the graph. Your real population is that spot. It could be the one where you got zero heads.

There are two important things about genetic drift: one is how it leads to diversification, and the other is how it accounts for polymorphism. Drift leads to variation between populations because when populations are separated they randomly undergo drift, possibly with different end results: if there are two alleles A and B at a locus under drift, one population could lose allele B and the other could lose allele A. Repeat that over many loci and your get very different looking animals that don’t recognize each other when they get a chance to make babies. The second property is that when you observe polymorphism (genetic variation), it is probably due to drift. Drift over time removes genetic variation from a population, but before that happens the frequency of the allele in question bounces all over the place by random chance. The time window over which that happens is incredibly large, much longer than that for selection. Therefore the large amounts of genetic variation in natural populations are probably due to weak selection, strong drift and lots of mutation across the genome.

Here’s my explanation of the above findings: selection is always happening, but is generally weak. Selection is weak both because drift is happening at the same time, and because life is just not as hard as Darwin and Malthus had in mind. Selection in nature is usually stabilizing selection, meaning that there is some intermediate value that is favored most, and extreme values are selected against: the typical example is birth weight in industrialized societies. Small babies are prone to infection and pulmonary dysfunction and large babies are at greater risk for perinatal complications. However, in most cases, it appears that deviations from the optima that we can detect in nature are not heavily penalized. Especially in large-bodied, iteroparous organisms like birds, ungulates and primates, life just doesn’t seem that hard. This means drift has plenty to work with. Most of the organic diversity we see is probably due to drift randomly sending populations closer to new optima where stabilizing selection takes over again. This is basically Sewall Wright‘s shifting balance theory.

Wright in 1954

Wright in 1954 (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

This positively demonic process could account for most of the organic diversity we see out there, but it is not an appealing idea. I think most intellectuals go through a phase where they attribute everything to randomness — and I’m not suggesting we all get on that bus — but there’s also a Conspiracy to remove slack from the world. People generally don’t like the idea of random forces to explain things. Especially since a lot of biologists, including myself, don’t understand genetic drift (how could you?) it’s really hard to get behind the idea. However, especially when analyzing real populations, such as the evolutionary history of humans, and testing ideas about sexual selection, we have to consider the role of drift. Much of the persistent, between population variation we see that looks adaptive could be due to genetic drift.

What is quantitative genetics?

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Next week I’ll be attending a Nescent Academy “master class” on quantitative genetics, led by two teachers who have made major advances in this field. They will be assisted by other teachers who have done important work in the field. I’m really glad to have the opportunity so close to home: it’s always nice when the best students and teachers in a field come to my home town to lead a workshop like this ;)

This is a good opportunity to talk about quantitative genetics. What is it? As with many scientific topics, it means different things to different people, depending on your main research question. I do theory, but other researchers are primarily concerned with analyzing data, and conducting experiments. Quantitative genetics is a helpful set of ideas in all three of these areas, so I will try to explain my understanding of all of them.

First of all what is genetics? Genetics is the science of inheritance. The basic question of genetics is how do parents pass their traits to their offspring? We know the basics are that parents pass “particles of inheritance” to their offspring (genes) that the offspring express, thus creating likeness between offspring and parents. This theory works for traits like eye color and hair color, but what about for something like height? Height is a different kind of trait altogether, and people have known for a long time that offspring do not typically display the height of one parent or another, the way they do with eye color.

This disparity was actually the source of a vitriolic debate between “Mendelians” and “biometricians” at the turn of the twentieth century. The biometricians had been studying traits like human height in humans and animals for many decades, and then several botanists rediscovered the work of Mendel and started testing it out on plants and fruit flies. Mendelians caricaturishly believed that mutation was the only necessary evolutionary mechanism, and that Mendelian inheritance was the only mode of inheritance possible. They couldn’t explain the patterns of inheritance in traits like height, however.

The solution was a “fudge” or a “hack” by R.A. Fisher: what if height was controlled not by a single gene, but by many throughout the genome? Offspring will inherit some of these from mom, some from dad and the outcome should be a mix of contributions to the trait from each parent. Height, after all, or any trait, is a human construction, imposed by researchers onto an organism: why should there be just one gene that controls something arbitrarily decided by someone with a measuring tape? The outcome, Fisher showed, of Mendelian inheritance of a huge number of genes contributing small effects would be just the patterns observed by the biometricians. Keep in mind that in the first half of the twentieth century, people did not know what the actual genetic material was, or least of all how it worked.

Quantitative genetics then is a hack that ignores the genetic details of a particular trait and simply looks at the statistical patterns between parents and offspring. For experimenters, the crucial concerns are setting up breeding experiments that can explain how traits are inherited. For example, maternal half-sibs (offspring all born from the same mother) can eliminate the effects of the mother on the offspring. If the offspring all come from the same mother, then the mother’s genes will not explain the variation in the offspring. Only the population of fathers can supply the variation seen in the offspring.

Another approach to quantitative genetics comes straight from animal husbandry: if you want to breed animals that produce more of a certain product (the typical example is milk), then you can use equations to calculate how many cows to breed, and what their milk yields need to be, in order to produce a certain milk yield in the next generation. The difference in milk yield between offspring and parents is the “response to selection,” in this case artificial selection. This is the very idea of selective breeding that Darwin analogized to natural selection, so this same farming idea carries through to those of us studying the evolution of quantitative traits.

This last aspect is mainly my interest in quantitative genetics. We can use the equations I described in the last paragraph, and iterate them to simulate or describe the evolutionary process. The equilibrium solutions to these equations can tell us what traits are likely to evolve, all without going into the genetic details. Quantitative genetics involves a large number of approximations — skipping over the details — and that’s the nice thing about it mathematically. Despite using so many approximations, the equations are usually quite accurate.

The most recent development in quantitative genetics actually involves going beyond those approximations and mapping out actual genetic loci that are involved in the inheritance of quantitative traits. This is called Quantitative Trait Locus (QTL) analysis, and is also being called QTN analysis, for “quantitative trait nucleotide.” The meaning of the “N” should tell you just how specific some of these studies are getting. There is a controversy about this, however, since it appears that many studies from humans and animals show quite conclusively that the “hack” of quantitative genetics may not be so much a hack as a scientific reality. Genome-wide association studies and others that look at the whole genome are starting to show that indeed many loci of small effects are a better explanation than few genes of large effect in many cases, including human height and schizophrenia. This is especially weird, since Fisher’s “infinitesimal hypothesis” was only meant to solve a very specific problem, and probably was not meant as a real scientific hypothesis. What does this say about the operation of science?

I hope to meet some of you there next week. Thanks for reading.

Matthew V. Rockman (2012). THE QTN PROGRAM AND THE ALLELES THAT MATTER FOR EVOLUTION: ALL THAT’S GOLD DOES NOT GLITTER Evolution, 1-17 DOI: 10.1111/j.1558-5646.2011.01486.x

The Handicap Principle

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Researchers use sexual selection theory to attempt to explain traits that are exaggerated, seemingly unrelated to survival and seemingly costly. I call these characters “ridiculous.” Almost every sexual selection talk starts with a collage of absolutely ridiculous-looking sexual ornaments and armaments. Most biologists have this “biological diversity slide” near the beginning, but other biologists have theirs filled with perfectly sensible looking animals. Animals that are clearly built for survival. Sexual selection, on the other hand, seeks to explain things like this:

Male Blue Peacock in Melbourne Zoo, Australia.

Male Blue Peacock in Melbourne Zoo, Australia. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

One way to explain these extravagances is not to use sexual selection at all, but to say that it is, indeed necessary for survival. In fact, the whole idea of sexual selection arises out of a Bob McGuire argument: “Come on, that can’t possibly be necessary for survival! Chuck, you’re crazy.” Bob McGuire was a timeshare salesman who tried to talk Dr. Adamson and I into buying by saying things like “Come on, you’re not gonna take a baby camping, come on!” These appeals to disbelief are rather common in science, not just in anti-science.

The alternative looks at how ridiculous-looking traits do impact survival: if they are really costly, perhaps that cost relates to their value as signals. Perhaps they tell females something. Perhaps the cost itself is really important, and females should pay attention to that cost. How would a signal convey all that?

These important things to consider are fitness components. We talk a lot about fitness, but there’s no one measurable quantity that actually is fitness. Survival forms one fitness component, attractiveness forms another. When females want to have attractive offspring, one way to get them is just to mate with an attractive male: “You mate with a good-lookin’ bird like me, you’ll have good-looking babies, and good-looking grandbabies and so on. It’s a win!” The trait doesn’t need to be particularly costly to tell females that their offspring will be attractive. But what if the offspring don’t survive to mate?

Handicap to the rescue!

A really costly signal, on the other hand, could tell females that a male not only is attractive, but he’s able to survive well. The signal tells females that males carrying them are able to survive well because their trait does not impact their health as much as it would someone who was less healthy. This is called the handicap principle: if a male shows a handicap, he must be well-adapted and healthy, or else he wouldn’t be able to handle the cost. This idea was first proposed independently by Bob Trivers and Amotz Zahavi, and roundly rejected as completely preposterous. The 1989 edition of The Selfish Gene contains the typical argument: if it’s costly, then it’s costly and it will be selected against.

However, in 1990 Alan Grafen showed that handicap signals are evolutionarily stable: if everyone in the population is using a costly signal, then someone using a non-costly signal to convey the same information can’t make a living. If a signal is truly costly, then you can’t fake it. Grafen showed with his characteristic style that this applied to communication across the board, not just in sexual signals. Some researchers go so far as to say that every signal is a handicap, although I think “the finger” is enough of a counterexample. Incidentally, “the finger” did originally have meaning: it meant you had never been captured in war and were still able to shoot an arrow. I think this meaning has been lost since the Battle of Agincourt.

Kinds of handicap

There are a few different ways to have a handicap. One is called “pure epistasis” or “Zahavi’s Handicap.” In this case, every male grows the same trait, but it kills less-healthy males more often than it kills more healthy males. This is the version that Zahavi came up with originally, and it was widely ridiculed. It turns out the ridicule was partially correct, and this sort of handicap doesn’t really work. Zahavi’s handicap doesn’t work because after selection for survival, all males will start to look pretty much the same, and then females have no incentive to choose among males (a female who mates randomly will get the same good genes as one who goes to the trouble of choosing). Then the trait is useless, and costly, and will be lost from the population.

The second way is the “revealing handicap.” In this case all males grow the trait, but the signal itself has much better quality in more healthy males. The caricature is of a peacock’s tail: all males grow similarly-sized tails, but less healthy males let theirs drag on the ground and get infested with mites. It doesn’t kill them, but it’s not as shiny and dazzling and sexy as it would be for a healthy male. In this case the signal itself tells females how healthy a male is. This kind of handicap can lead to an exaggerated male trait, as long as there is sufficient genetic or environmental variation for the tail dragging on the ground.

The third way is condition-dependent signaling: males who are of good health grow larger traits and are less impacted by the costs of carrying the trait. The nice thing about this theory is that everything seems to work as far as genetic variation. Females benefit by mating with showy males, from having more healthy male and female offspring. Also, if the trait is condition-dependent, there is plenty of mutation in “condition,” which is basically the sum of all the selective forces across the genome. There should always be plenty of genetic variation in condition, so females should always benefit from being choosy.

I study how condition-dependent signaling plays out over the lifespan. If a male is really healthy, he can expect to live a long time, and he could potentially conserve his resources until he gets older. By growing his trait over a long period of time, he would have more opportunities to mate, and be just as sexy in middle- or old-age when selection is less intense. This does present a few problems in how the traits would actually change over time. If selection is intense enough, a male might be killed even for having a small trait, and once he gets older, his sperm will be harboring more deleterious mutations. I’ll go into more detail about these in future posts.

How do you do evolutionary theory?

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Ronald Fisher as a steward at the First Intern...

Ronald Fisher in 1912 (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

My most frequently asked question has got to be: what organism do you work with? This is a funny question because I don’t work with any particular organism. The funny thing that happens is that after I tell people I don’t work with a particular organism and describe my work, they say “Oh, so in what kinds of animals?” This could be sending me several messages: one is that people have no idea that research into theory exists at all. I find this explanation unlikely since everybody knows about theoretical physics (which actually exists, it’s not just theoretical). There’s even a TV show in which everybody’s favorite character is a theoretical physicist. The message I get, instead, is that it’s quite strange to think about a “biologist” who doesn’t work in a lab, in a field, or a greenhouse. What would such a person do? How can you be a biologist and do all your work without touching real animals or plants? This is the point in the conversation when I tell people that I’m a mathematician getting a degree in biology. Basically what I tell people is “I do math” or “I solve math problems.”

The cool part is I get to decide what those problems are. I’d like to give everyone a better idea of what I actually do in my research. It’s one reason I started this blog and so I plan to explain things about my general way of working over a few posts.

Theoretical questions, mathematical answers

What scientists basically do is solve puzzles. These puzzles are usually posed as questions like “how does this plant grow?” or “When (in history) did this gene originate?” or something else highly empirical. When you want simply an accurate description of the world, when you want “How does this work?” you can go and get an organism and describe it. You can collect data, and you can formulate various hypotheses about the patterns in the data, then test those hypotheses by looking at other patterns in the data.

I do basically the same thing, except the questions that I handle are of a theoretical nature. That means that basically what I’m asking questions about are those hypotheses themselves, not the patterns in the data. I have a basic question about how sexual signals evolve. “How do they evolve?” means I want to know how a population of organisms, with some individuals carrying expensive organs or behaviors, would change over time. If a gene for such a signal arose, would most members of the population have it at some later time? Or would it go extinct? What does our existing theory tell us? How can I extend the theory we have so that we better understand this?

Sexual signals and behaviors appear to be costly, and so Darwin reasoned that they couldn’t come about by natural selection. He solved that puzzle by supposing a different form of selection that worked by mate competition, instead of simple competition to stay alive. Darwin was the first evolutionary theorist!

What Darwin didn’t have was a mathematical theory of how populations evolve. In evolutionary biology, we’re lucky to have such a theory, developed by the “Big Three” of Sewall Wright, Ronald Fisher and J.B.S. Haldane. Wright, Fisher and Haldane formulated the theory of population genetics as a mathematical description of how the frequencies of alleles change in populations over time. Just like Darwin, we don’t have to use math to answer these questions: we can take a guess or hypothesize, and go straight to testing that idea on real organisms. However, we can use mathematical tools to answer these questions, and mathematical answers are the most effective. There are several different ways to do this.

Some nuts and bolts

Everything I do can be called “mathematical modeling.” However, some of the time it is less mathematical, or more computational. If I am asking a question of how a gene frequency changes over time, then one way is the analytical approach: I write down a set of equations describing how the gene changes its frequency over time, and then I describe properties of those equations. The particular biological model I’m interested in will determine how the equations come out: all the information I need to say how the population will change should be in these dynamical equations.

The most important properties of dynamical equations are its equilibrium and the stability of that equilibrium. An equilibrium is a state (e.g. a gene frequency) that doesn’t change over time. So for example, in standard population genetics, if an allele’s frequency is zero, then it won’t change, unless there’s a mutation. Then zero is an equilibrium as long as I don’t allow mutation in the model. Stability means that when a population is close to equilibrium, it moves toward equilibrium. This is just like rolling a ball down a hill: when it gets to the bottom, it stops. That’s a stable equilibrium: if you throw the ball back up the hill, it rolls back down. This is important because we expect to find these equilibria in nature: we expect populations to get to a certain point and stay relatively close, and that’s what we should be able to see much of the time in nature. This is incredibly simplistic, but we have to start somewhere.

Another kind of dynamical model is a computational or simulation model. In this sort of modeling we input certain calculations as a computer program. Instead of writing out equations for how the variables change over time, we let the computer iterate a set of calculations to simulate how they would change. I could have a very good idea of the life cycle of a theoretical organism, and I program each piece (birth, growing up, mating and death) into a program, and then calculate how the gene or phenotype frequencies in the population(s) change over time. There’s two reasons to do things this way: the model of the life cycle might be extremely complicated, so that each piece might be a paper in itself before I solve my big question; or, we might explicitly mathematically know that there is no simple solution to the problem. In that case using a computer helps us come up with an approximation to the solution.

Both the analytical model I described and the computer model describe change over time: they are dynamical models. I like doing things this way. However, there’s another way, which is simply to mathematically describe how things are at a particular point in a population, or to describe the way an organism works. The solution to such a model is usually to say what the optimal phenotype of an organism is, given certain conditions. Evolutionary game theory and foraging theory are examples of this “phenotypic” approach. These approaches can be used to answer similar questions, but they do tell you fundamentally different things in most cases. A phenotypic model cannot tell you how something evolved, only the circumstances under which you could expect it to evolve. Phenotypic models are very popularly interpreted in behavioral ecology, where the researcher’s task is finding out how a particular strategy affects reproductive success of individuals. It’s not necessary to care, in that case, how something evolved: it’s just there and bears questioning.

The biological interpretation comes in when we consider the parameters of a particular model. Usually these special quantities determine if an equilibrium exists, and if it is stable or not, in a particular model. For example a particular model might have a mutation rate parameter, or a parameter describing the rates at which males and females meet, or a parameter describing the intensity of selection against a trait. Models of disease transmission have parameters describing how often a virus has a chance to move from one person to another. Parameters usually correspond to real biological quantities that could be measured, and that’s how hypotheses get formed and tested.

What is this all for?

The real point of doing all this is for somebody, a field or lab researcher, to be able to apply these ideas. If I can come up with a satisfactory solution to a theoretical puzzle, another researcher can take that theory to form a hypothesis and then test that hypothesis using fruit flies, or peacocks or some other real organism. My favorite kinds of applications look for patterns across large groups of organisms, many different species, and try to apply these ideas very broadly. Let’s say this species supports the conclusions of a model, and so does its closely-related species, since they correspond to different parameter values. Most of the time, however, theories get tested one organism at a time, and the research either supports the theory, or fails to support it in some way. This is the process of refinement, which is a lot of fun. For example, a theory could be supported in fruit flies, but not in cockroaches, but we find out that cockroaches are not a good species to use for testing the idea. This reveals a deficiency in the idea, since it doesn’t include cockroaches. Then I get to do some more work, and write another paper.

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